IWPR Home institute for war & peace reporting
   
 Advanced Search
building peace and democracy through free and fair media

Home
Programmes
Afghanistan
Afghan Recovery Report
Africa
Zimbabwe Crisis Reports
Caucasus
Caucasus Recovery Service
Cross Caucasus Network
Central Asia
Reporting Central Asia
News Briefing Central Asia
Central Asia Radio
International Justice
ICC - Africa Update
ICTY - Tribunal Update
Face à la Justice - CPI
Iraq
Iraqi Crisis Report
Iran
Mianeh Reports
Philippines
Rights Reporting
Syria
Syria News Briefing
Syria Press Monitor
Resources
Books
Training
IWPR Comment
Kurt Schork Awards
Photo Galleries
Sahar Fund
Past Programmes
Past Publications
CIJ Trial Reports Archive
RSS Feeds
Links
Other IWPR sites
Academy
Mianeh
Regional Reporters
Rights Reporting
Uganda Radio Network
IWPR Intranet
IWPR on acebook
IWPR on witter
 



ICTY - Tribunal Update
International Justice / ICTY home
Courtside

Witness Backs Seselj’s Conspiracy Theory

Bos-Hrv-Srp

Prolonged bombardment of Vukovar was designed to “help” Croatia, witness says.

By Denis Dzidic in Sarajevo (TU No 550, 9-May-08)

A former soldier said this week that although the Yugoslav People’s Army, JNA, could have seized Vukovar in a day, it kept shelling the city in an apparent ruse to support Croatia.

“The First Guards Brigade of the JNA was more powerful then the entire Croatian army at that time,” said a prosecution witness identified as VS 022, who was testifying at radical politician Vojislav Seselj’s trial in The Hague.

“The shelling only helped the Croats, because it stopped Serb infantry forces from clearing the town of rebels,” he claimed.

Yugoslav and Croatian forces battled for control of Vukovar from August 25 to November 20, 1991, before it fell to the JNA, which was commanded from Belgrade and, in this fighting, was allied with irregular Serb paramilitaries on the ground.

During the siege, Yugoslav troops bombarded the city with thousands of shells, causing widespread destruction. Statistics from the Vukovar hospital say 1,624 people were killed and 2,557 people were wounded as a result of the fighting, in which 1,800 Croatian troops fought to defend some 15,000 civilians.

Seselj, the president of the Serbian Radical Party, SRS, is charged with inciting Serbs to fight Bosniaks and Croats as part of a “joint criminal enterprise” to force non-Serbs out of parts of Croatia and Bosnia, and with encouraging the creation of a homogenous “Greater Serbia”.

In court, Sesekj agreed with the witness’s testimony. “This conspiracy by the JNA leadership gave the Croats a propaganda weapon against the Serb people and the army,” he said.

When judges asked the witness why JNA troops would want to help Croatia, with which they were fighting, he replied, “I really don't know that; it was probably some political deal, but I am 100 per cent sure that’s what happened.”

The witness, a Serb born in Vukovar in eastern Croatia, told the court he joined the JNA First Guards Brigade as a volunteer to help fight the “Croatian rebels” in September 1991, and later joined the Vukovar territorial defence force.

He explained that although there were several Serb military formations in the city, they were all under a cohesive command.

“The JNA forces, the territorial defence and the volunteers were all under the command of the First Guards Brigade and Colonel Mile Mrksic. The SRS volunteers were also placed under his command,” he said.

The witness said an SRS volunteer unit came to Vukovar in October 1991. “Their commander was called Milan Lancuzanin ‘Kameni’, but I didn’t have much contact with them as I heard they were mostly criminals,” he said.

The prosecution accuses Seselj of responsibility for crimes committed by SRS volunteers in November 1991 at the Ovcara farm, where more than 200 captured Croats were tortured and murdered.

Although witness VS 022 admitted being present at the farm on the day of the murders, he said he took no part in the mistreatment or murders of detainees.

“[More than] 300 Croats were forced to walk a gauntlet of Serb volunteers and soldiers who were beating them with sticks, bats and metal bars. I was shocked. I couldn’t believe this was happening and I couldn’t stop it,” he said.

“When the detainees were all inside the hangar, I went in and managed to get several Croats I knew out and save them, because I knew there would be executions. Afterwards, I went out as I didn’t want to be a part of that. I just stood by the door so that no one could leave,” said the witness.

When asked by the judges who he thought was responsible for the order to murder the detainees, the witness answered, “I presume someone high above, perhaps the Serb Krajina government.”

During cross-examination of the witness, Seselj said that responsibility for the Ovcara killings lay with the JNA.

Two former JNA officers, Veselin Sljivancanin and Mile Mrksic, have already been found guilty by the Hague tribunal for crimes committed in Ovcara.

The witness was also asked about Seselj’s visit to Vukovar in November 1991.

Although he was not affiliated with the SRS party, the witness said he “agreed with Seselj’s plans for a Greater Serbia”.

“[Seselj] is a great Serb leader. Me and the other soldiers were thrilled he came to see us, we cheered and waved as he passed by,” he said.

Asked by the judges whether he believed Seselj had effective control or influence over the soldiers and volunteers in Vukovar, the witness replied that Seselj did have authority.

“He left a great impression on all the soldiers there, and if he’d given an order, we would have obeyed,” he said.

However, the witness denied the prosecution’s claim that Seselj gave speeches in Vukovar inciting soldiers to violence.

“We were always under threat of fire, so it wouldn’t have been possible. I never heard anything about that – and I would have attended a speech if he’d given one,” said the witness.

He added that Seselj never asked Croat forces to surrender via a speakerphone, as the prosecution claimed.

“I read about that in the papers after the war, but I never believed it, because I didn’t notice it back then.”

Seselj was in a buoyant mood during this week’s proceedings, laughing and thanking the witness for telling the truth and not lying like other “fake witnesses brought by the prosecution”.

The prosecution protested against witnesses being called “fake” and the judges ordered Seselj not to use such language.

Seselj replied that he had “no fear of the court or of the judges” and said he would call witnesses whatever he liked.

The trial continues next week.

Denis Dzidic is an IWPR-trained reporter in Sarajevo.

Feedback Form
IWPR greatly appreciates your feedback. Please tick the boxes where appropriate:
After reading the article I am more informed on the subject matter
The article influenced my view on the ICTY and/or international justice
I intend to use what I learned (in my work)
My work/education is in the field of:
IWPR may contact me to follow up
Your name (optional):
Your E-mail address (optional):



Subscribe
Past Reports
MonthIssue No.
Jul608-608
Jun604-607
May599-603
Apr595-598
Mar591-594
Feb587-590
Jan583-586
MonthIssue No.
Dec580-582
Nov579-579
Archive 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01 00 99 98 97 96
Highlights
Fund for the Family of Slain Afghan Journalist Javed "Jojo" Yazamy
Special Report:
EU Urged to Boost Balkan Reconciliation Efforts
A Handbook on Covering War Crimes Courts
In the News
Asia Times OnlineExperts say that saffron is being grown in 16 provinces of Afghanistan, but the bulk of the product comes from Herat, in the west of the country, reports IWPR trainee Farooq Faizi.
Philadelphia InquirerEmad Al-shara, an IWPR-trained journalist in Iraq, says spate of attacks largely directed at Baghdad's Shia fueling concerns that sectarian and political violence may be returning to city.
IWPR international justice reporter Katy Glassborow speaks to the BBC World Service Focus on Africa programme about Darfur rebel leader Abu Garda's initial appearance at the International Criminal Court.
Globa and MailIn First Kill Your Family, [IWPR] journalist and Africa hand Peter Eichstaedt offers shocking details from the first-hand experiences of people who have participated in the war in northern Uganda as children and adults.
The IndependentLisa Clifford, a reporter for IWPR, says the Al-Bashir arrest warrant and other controversies have damaged the reputation of the international criminal court.
The IndependentIn southern provinces [of Afghanistan], up to 70 per cent of Taliban fighters are non-ideological unemployed young men given a gun before each attack and paid a pittance according to a report by IWPR.
National Post logo"The Taliban, for all their faults, have proven to have a fairly sophisticated media policy," said Jean MacKenzie, IWPR Afghanistan director.
IWPR reporter Katy Glassborow says it would be "absolutely devastating to the reputation of the [ICC]" if judges decide there is no case to answer [against Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir] on the charge of genocide.
IWPR Iraq editor Neil Arun discusses the outcome and significance of the Iraqi provincial elections.
Past Highlights
Interview: Tribunal president on court’s completion strategy
Interview: ICJ Chief on Bosnia Genocide Case
A Handbook for Local Journalists in Crisis Areas
Introduction to the Hague Tribunal
Online Help
Guides to international law and language:
Legal Dictionary of Terms
Dictionary of International Law
Law.com Dictionary
Support
To support IWPR's work, contact Ria Burghardt, or make an ONLINE DONATION >>
IWPR thanks the following for their generous support:
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Norway
Swedish International Development and Cooperation Agency (SIDA)Swedish Agency for International Development Cooperation (Sida)
Foreign and Commonwealth Office (UK)Foreign and Commonwealth Office, UK


© Institute for War & Peace Reporting
48 Grays Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK
Tel: +44 (0)20 7831 1030    Fax: +44 (0)20 7831 1050

The opinions expressed in IWPR Online are those of the authors and do not
necessarily represent those of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting.

Registered as a charity in the United Kingdom (charity reg. no: 1027201, company reg. no: 2744185)