IWPR Home institute for war & peace reporting
   
 Advanced Search
building peace and democracy through free and fair media

Home
Programmes
Afghanistan
Afghan Recovery Report
Africa
Zimbabwe Crisis Reports
Caucasus
Caucasus Reporting Service
Cross Caucasus Network
Central Asia
Reporting Central Asia
News Briefing Central Asia
Human Rights Reporting
Central Asia Radio
International Justice
ICC - Africa Update
ICTY - Tribunal Update
Face à la Justice - RD Congo
Facing Justice - Uganda
On the Scale - Darfur
Iran
Mianeh Reports
Iraq
Iraqi Crisis Report
Pakistan
Open Minds
Philippines
Human Rights Reporting
Syria
Syria News Briefing
Multimedia
Resources
Books
Training
IWPR Comment
Kurt Schork Awards
Photo Galleries
Sahar Fund
Past Programmes
Past Publications
CIJ Trial Reports Archive
Links
RSS Feeds
Other IWPR sites
Academy
Mianeh
Open Minds Pakistan
Regional Media Network
Rights Reporting
IWPR on acebook
witter
 



Caucasus Reporting Service
Caucasus home
Special Report: Television Under Siege

Armenia: Climate of Self-Censorship

Russian

Armenian television channels play to the tune of government and big business.

By Gegham Vardanian in Yerevan (CRS No. 369, 7-Dec-06)

In Armenian television today, the rules of news journalism are known to everybody. Journalists say it is a climate not of direct official control, but of pervasive self-censorship.

“Now everyone knows exactly what to do,” said journalist Tigran Paskevichyan. “There are entertainment programmes, music, films and so on, but no one thinks about public and political debate.”

If in Azerbaijan and Georgia the battle is happening now, in Armenia the crunch moment occurred four years ago when the politically independent A1 + television channel was taken off the air. Other stations took this as a signal to resign themselves to official control and exercise political caution.

A1 + was stripped of its broadcasting license on April 2, 2002. A week later, as human rights activists and journalists were rallying to the support of the station, 17 media outlets released a statement, in which they insisted that freedom of speech was not in any danger in Armenia.

“This statement was a public declaration of submission, in which the media said it was better to obey rather than find themselves in the position of А1+,” said Mesrop Movsesian, chairman of the company.

“After 2002, all the TV companies began to be afraid and everybody understood that there was a certain line along which they had to walk, and any step to the right or to the left would not be tolerated. Speaking figuratively, they could be shot without warning,” said Mesrop Harutyunian, a media expert with the Yerevan Press Club.

Most television channels are now extremely selective in their news coverage, ignoring opposition figures such as former parliamentary speaker Artur Baghdasarian.

“For example, when visiting the French University, the foreign minister of France was accompanied by Arthur Baghdasarian, chairman of the university’s board of trustees,” said Harutyunian. “However, most TV reports were edited so as to avoid showing Artur Baghdasarian. This is straightforward censorship.”

A recent US State Department report summed this up, “The authorities continu[e] to maintain tight control over the state-owned Armenian Public Television and virtually all private channels, which are owned by businesspeople loyal to [Armenian president Robert] Kocharian and rarely air reports critical of his administration. Their reporters are believed to operate under editorial censorship.”

Television professionals say much of the pressure on them is informal and comes either directly from politicians or via the presidentially-appointed national television and radio commission.

Gegham Manukian, a member of parliament and consultant with Yerkir-Media television, said broadcasting bosses are invited now and then for informal meetings or dinners in the presidential residence.

“These are not meetings in the strict sense of the word, no instructions are given,” he said. “Actually, it is up to the leader himself to decide whether he will do this or that. Naturally, this will have an effect. But sometimes useful and important issues are also discussed there.”

Armenia has 61 television stations, of which 17 are in Yerevan. Many of them focus on children’s programming, culture or music. Several, such as ALM or Kentron TV, which now occupies the frequency once held by A1 +, are owned by wealthy businessmen.

Shamiram Aghabekian, deputy chairman of Armenia’s national television and radio commission, agreed to be interviewed by IWPR only on the condition that what she said was understood as her personal opinion. She conceded that television exercised self-censorship, but said this was normal.

“The owners of our TV companies are mostly very rich people - oligarchs,” she said. “They see that the authorities have created favourable conditions for them to do business, and, naturally, they don’t want a change of government. The current government suits the owners of television stations perfectly.”

Regional television channels are more vulnerable targets for the authorities because of their poor finances.
“We receive threats very frequently,” said the head of one regional station, who asked to be identified by the changed name, Baghdasar.

Regional television bosses say that Grigor Amalian, the chairman of the national television and radio commission, told them recently that they should rebroadcast the programmes of Kentron TV, which is owned by people associated with Armenia’s leading oligarch Gagik Tsarukian.

“Amalian said that he would not object to seeing Kentron TV broadcast in the regions and that they were ready to pay for this,” said Bagdasar. “We thought about it and asked for a very big price. They haven’t yet got back to us.”

Manukian said that money is a crucial part of the picture, as rich Armenians are able to buy up favourable airtime.

For example, in the last two months, most Armenian television channels broadcast a series of reports about a businessmen involved in politics, who was distributing seed potatoes and organising free medical consultation services in villages. The reports had the look of being paid advertising.

Journalist Tigran Paskevichyan said the convergence of commercial and political interests on Armenian television was having a corrosive effect.

“Who would pay money [to a television channel] and say, ‘Say what you want about poverty and the catastrophic situation in the regions of Armenia’? No one of course,” he said.

Gegham Vardanian is a reporter for Internews in Yerevan.



Subscribe
Past Reports
MonthIssue No.
Feb530-530
Jan526-529
MonthIssue No.
Dec522-525
Nov518-521
Oct513-517
Sep509-512
Aug505-508
Jul501-504
Archive 10 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01 00 99
Highlights
Facing Justice - UgandaFacing Justice - Uganda
On the Scale - DarfurOn the Scale - Darfur
Vacancies Available
Project Review Oct/Nov 2009
Kurt Schork Awards Videos
Kurt Schork Award Winners
Learning About Risk
Media Bias Claims in Georgia Exposed
Georgia War Anniversary
Karabakh Focus
Karabakh Refugees
Photo Essays
Learning About Risk
IWPR Georgia in Action
View more >>
Past Highlights
Regional Media Network
Handbook for Local Journalists
War and Peace in the Caucasus
In the News
Winnipeg Free Press"Now [the Taleban] appear to be able to launch their attacks even in the most heavily protected sections of [Kabul], "said IWPR Afghan project editor/trainer Jean MacKenzie.
McClatchy"The simple fact is that the condition of the economy has never played a major role in the minds of Iranian leaders or in Iran's national security equation," said IWPR contributor Omid Memarian on the prospect of tougher western sanctions.
BBC“I would like to imagine that at least a few senior politicians woke up this week to seriously wonder what kind of monsters they and their system have created over the years," said IWPR's Head of Asia Alan Davis, referring to Maguindanao massacre.
The New York TimesRecent double bombing in Baghdad has cast doubt on the government's ability to guarantee security and prompted fears such violence may affect voter turnout in anticipated January elections, writes iWPR reporter Ali Karim.
Support
To support IWPR's work in Caucasus, contact Ria Burghardt, or make an ONLINE DONATION >>
IWPR thanks the following for their generous support:
Community Fund (UK)Community Fund (UK)
European Commission This project is co-funded by the European Union
Dutch Ministry for Development CooperationDutch Ministry for Development Cooperation
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of DenmarkMinistry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark



© Institute for War & Peace Reporting
48 Gray's Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK
Tel: +44 (0)20 7831 1030    Fax: +44 (0)20 7831 1050

The opinions expressed in IWPR Online are those of the authors and do not
necessarily represent those of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting.

Registered as a charity in the United Kingdom (charity reg. no: 1027201, company reg. no: 2744185)